Apr 25, 2013

Budda Mal Bhagat

Bhagat Budda Mal


सन् 1947 में पाकिस्तान से विस्थापित होकर आए और जालंधर में बसे मेघ भगत समाज में लगभग सभी लोग एक नाम से भली-भाँति परिचित हैं- भगत बुड्डामल. भार्गव कैंप, जालंधर में उनके नाम से एक ग्राऊँड बना है जिसे भगत बुड्डामल ग्राऊँड कहते हैं.

विडंबना है कि आज मेघ भगत समाज में बहुत कम लोग इस सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता के बारे में विस्तार से जानते हैं जिसने अपने समुदाय के लिए जीवन भर अथक परिश्रम किया ताकि यह समुदाय भविष्य में भली प्रकार से ससम्मान जीवन व्यतीत कर सके.
उनका जन्म और पालन-पोषण स्यालकोट, पश्चिमी पंजाब (अब पाकिस्तान) में हुआ था. वे मेघ जाति के एक सामान्य परिवार में जन्मे थे. बहुत शिक्षित नहीं थे. लेकिन छोटी आयु में ही वे समाज सेवा के कार्य में प्रवृत्त हो गए थे. भारत में आने के बाद तो वे आजीवन समाज सेवा में रहे. मैंने स्वयं उन्हें अमृतसर, जालंधर और चंड़ीगढ़ में समाज सेवा में सक्रिय देखा है.
  
उनकी दिनचर्या ही थी कि वे सहायता माँगने आए किसी भी आगंतुक के साथ हो लेते और उसकी भरपूर मदद करते. स्वतंत्रता प्राप्ति के बाद वे अन्य मेघ भगतों की भाँति भार्गव कैंप, जालंधर में बस गए. यहाँ रहते हुए उन्होंने भगत गोपीचंद के साथ मिल कर बहुत कार्य अपने समाज के लिए किया. वे कई बार जालंधर म्युनिसिपल कार्पोरेशन के सदस्य चुने गए. वे अकेले या अपने साथी सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं के साथ पंजाब की राजधानी चंडीगढ़ में आते रहे और यहाँ भगत मिल्खीराम (पीसीएस), श्री केसरनाथ जी, सत्यव्रत शास्त्री जी आदि के साथ मिल कर उन्होंने बहुत से लोगों के नौकरियों आदि से संबंधित कार्य कराए जिससे समुदाय के लोगों को लाभ पहुँचा.
उन्होंने जीवनभर विवाह नहीं किया और ब्रह्मचारी रहे. दमकता हुआ गोरा चेहरा. लंबा कुर्ता, तुर्रे वाली अफ़ग़ानी पगड़ी और पठानी सलवार पहनने वाले बुड्डामल जी का व्यक्तित्व बहुत आकर्षक और प्रभावपूर्ण था. वे धीरे-धीरे प्रेमपूर्वक और ठहरी हुई बात करते थे.

उनके कार्य और समाज सेवा के मद्देनज़र सरकार ने उनकी स्मृति में भार्गव कैंप में श्री बुड्डामल पार्क बना दिया और उनके कार्य के महत्व को मान्यता दी.
श्री बुड्डामल जी के जन्म-मृत्यु के बारे में मेरे पास अभी कोई प्रामाणिक जानकारी उपलब्ध नहीं है. पार्क बनने के साथ उनका नाम अमर तो हो गया लेकिन उनके बारे में अभी बहुत-सी जानकारियाँ जुटाई जानी बाकी हैं. अभी हाल ही में भगत चूनी लाल भगत के नागरिक अभिनंदन समारोह में श्री बुड्डामल जी को याद किया गया था.

अब बेहतर हो कि हमारे सामाजिक संगठन अपने पूर्ववर्ती सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं के बारे में जानकारी जुटाएँ और समय-समय पर उनके संबंध में उपलब्ध सामग्री को भावी पीढ़ियों के लिए सुरक्षित रखने का उपक्रम करें आखिर वे हमारे लिए कल्याणकारी सोच रखने वाले प्रेरणा स्रोत हैं.
मेरे विचार से भगत बुड्डामल पार्क में उनकी मूर्ति लगाई जानी चाहिए ताकि आने वाले समय में हम सभी उनके कार्य से प्रेरणा ले सकें. यहाँ के वाटर टैंक पर 'बुड्डामल पार्क' लिखा जा सकता है ताकि पार्क का नाम दूर से पढ़ा जा सके.

Bhagat Hans Raj Advocate - भगत हंसराज एडवोकेट


यह वही समय था जब 1882 में भारत सरकार द्वारा कराई गई पहली जनगणना से मालूम हुआ कि अछूत कहे जाने वाले कई लाख लोग नाम के ही हिंदू थे. उन्हें अपनी मर्ज़ी के मुताबिक काम करने और शिक्षा लेने का हक़ नहीं था. और हर तरफ़ शोर मचाया जा रहा था कि उन्हें ईसाई बनाया जा रहा है.


यह वही समय था जब पंजाब में आर्यसमाज की स्थापना हो चुकी थी. पंजाब के आर्यसमाजी कार्यकर्ता लाला गंगाराम ने बताया कि 1880 में मेघों ने स्यालकोट के आर्यसमाजियों को अर्ज़ी दी थी कि उनके सामाजिक स्तर का  फिर से र्निधारण किया जाए और स्तर को ऊँचा उठाया जाए. गंगाराम ने ईसाई, इस्लाम और सिख धर्मों के उदाहरण दिए जिनमें जाति और धर्म आधारित भेदभाव नहीं था. लेकिन हिंदुओं ने पूरी कड़ुवाहट के साथ इसका लगातार विरोध किया. (मेघों ने ऐसा कोई आवेदन किया था या नहीं इसकी पुष्टि अभी बाकी है). कहा जाता है कि लाला गंगाराम के लगातार दबाव डालने से आर्यसमाज की कार्यकारी समिति ने यह काम एक रजिस्टर्ड संस्था 'आर्य मेघ उद्धार सभा' को देने का फैसला किया. इस संस्था की अगुआई लाला गंगाराम ख़ुद कर रहा था.


यह वही समय था जब मेघों का 'शुद्धिकरण' करके उन्हें हिंदुओं की सबसे निचली जातियों में ऱखा गया और आर्यसमाज में दाख़िल किया गया. आर्यसमाज का दावा था कि स्यालकोट के 36000 मेघों का शुद्धिकरण करके उन्हें ‘आर्य-भक्त’ बनाया गया था.


कहा जाता है कि लाला गंगाराम ने मेघों को 'भगत' कहा था और मेघों ने 'भगत' नामकरण स्वीकार कर लिया क्योंकि इस क्षेत्र में अधिकांश मेघ मध्यकालीन संतों कबीर आदि के प्रति आस्था रखते थे. उन संतों को भारतीय समाज सदियों से 'भगत' कहता आ रहा था.


उन हालात में डालोवाली गाँव के हंसराज भगत और ननजवाल गाँव के जगदीश मित्र ने 1935 तक आर्यसमाज की मुहिम के तहत शिक्षा प्राप्त की और दोनों ने LLB की.


उधर सन् 1925 में बाबू मंगूराम मुग्गोवालिया, गाँव मुग्गोवाल, तहसील गढ़शंकर, ज़िला होशियारपुर ने एक आदधर्म मुहिम शुरू की. यह मुहिम अछूतों के इस पक्ष को रेखांकित करती थी कि वे भारत में आर्यों के आने से पहले ही सप्त-सिंधु या ग्रेटर पंजाब में बसे हुए थे. इस मुहिम के असर को रोकने के लिए आर्यसमाज ने पूरी ताकत लगा दी. आदधर्म आंदोलन मेघ समुदाय को अधिक प्रभावित नहीं कर सका क्योंकि यह समुदाय काफी हद तक आर्यसमाज से प्रभावित था.


बताना ठीक ही होगा कि आर्यसमाज द्वारा शिक्षित दो युवकों में से पहले जगदीश मित्र की ज़िंदगी छोटी रही. दूसरे युवक हंसराज ने स्यालकोट में वकालत शुरू कर दी. उन्होंने एक आदधर्मी लड़की से विवाह किया. आर्यसमाजियों को यही बात पसंद नहीं आई. इसी वजह से भगत हंसराज के आर्यसमाजी दोस्त उनकी शादी में शामिल नहीं हुए. खासकर यह वजह बता कर कि शुद्ध किए गए आर्य-भक्त मेघ अन्य की तुलना में ऊँची जाति के हैं और कि आद धर्मियों के साथ उनका 'रोटी-बेटी' का संबंध नहीं रहा था. लेकिन हंसराज जी डॉ. भीमराव अंम्बेडकर और बाबू मुग्गोवालिया के विचारों से प्रभावित थे. अंबेडकर के विचारों के अनुरूप हंसराज चाहते थे कि दलित लोग जाति व्यवस्था से ऊपर उठें.


उधर लाला गंगाराम ने अपने नेतृत्व में बनवाई 'मेघ उद्धार सभा' के लिए अंग्रेज़ सरकार से कुछ बंजर ज़मीन लीज़ पर ली जो तहसील खानेवाल, ज़िला मुल्तान में पडती थी. इस पर कुछ मेघ परिवारों को बसा कर उन्हें खेती करने के लिए रखा गया. इस भूखंड को 'आर्य नगर' नाम दिया गया. खेती करने वाले मेघों को फसल का 50 प्रतिशत हिस्सा मिलता था. आगे चल कर मेघ टेनेंट्स ने दबाव बनाया कि उनका हिस्सा दो तिहाई किया जाए. लाला गंगाराम इस पर राज़ी नहीं था और उसके साथ कुछ हाथापाई भी हुई.


कानून के जानकार हंसराज ने 'मेघ उद्धार सभा' के नाम से बने ट्रस्ट द्वारा इन बँटाईदार (Share cropper) मेघों के शोषण की हालत को जाना. यह ज़मीन अंग्रेज़ सरकार ने ट्रस्ट को लीज़ पर दी थी जबकि बँटाईदार के तौर पर मेघों का मेहनताना बहुत कम रखा गया था. समाजसेवा की आढ़ में हो रहे इस नाटक के पीछे कुछ गलत था. हाथापाई हुई. एक अदालती केस एडवोकेट हंसराज की अगुवाई में कोर्ट ले जाया गया. ट्रस्ट का प्रतिनिधित्व गंगाराम कर रहा था. एडवोकेट हंसराज केस जीत गए. उन्होंने यह केस मेघों के तथाकथित महान सुधारक लाला गंगाराम के विरुद्ध जीता था. केस जीतने के बाद वे बँटाईदार मेघ-किसान कानूनन ज़मीनों के मालिक बन गए. श्री आर.एल. गोत्रा जी ने बताया है कि जालंधर के कुछ आर्यसमाजी मेघ कहते हैं कि भगत हंसराज ने मेघों को आर्यनगर की ज़मीन का वाजिब हक़ दिलाने के लिए जो मुक़द्दमा किया था उस पर अदालती निर्णय न हो कर बाहर ही समझौता हो गया था.



हंसराज जी 1935 तक आर्यसमाज की मदद से हुई अपनी शिक्षा के लिए आर्यसमाज के आभारी थे लेकिन शिक्षा की बदौलत वे दलितों की हालत को बदतर बनाने के तरीकों को भली प्रकार समझने लगे थे. डॉ. अंबेडकर और बाबू मंगूराम के प्रति वे लगाव रखने लगे थे. यह उन आर्यसमाजियों को पसंद नहीं आया जो हंसराज को शिक्षा के लिए दी गई वित्तीय सहायता के बदले उनमें एक हिंदूवादी और आर्यसमाजी कार्यकर्ता देखने का सपना पाले हुए थे. असल में उन्हें यकीन ही नहीं हो पा रहा था कि हंसराज अपने समाज के लोगों को न्याय दिलाने के लिए अदालत चला जाएगा और केस भी जीत जाएगा.


लोग बताते हैं कि जिस मेघ समूह ने आदधर्मी लड़की से शादी करने पर हंसराज भगत का सामाजिक बहिष्कार किया था उसी समूह ने आगे चल कर अविभाजित पंजाब के विधानसभा चुनाव में हंसराज के विरुद्ध खड़े चौधरी सुंदर सिंह के हक में सक्रिय रूप से प्रचार करके मेघों के वोट दिलाए. ये चौधरी सुंदर सिंह आदधर्मी थे. यानि मेघों ने एक आदधर्मी लड़की से शादी करने वाले मेघ को वोट न देकर एक आदधर्मी नेता को वोट दे दिया. श्री सुंदर सिंह एक अच्छे नेता थे लेकिन इससे मेघ समुदाय के व्यवहार का एक हानिकारक अंतर्विरोध सामने आया.


कल्याण मंत्रालय, भारत सरकार, नई दिल्ली द्वारा अक्तूबर 1966 में प्रकाशित 'डॉ. अंबेडकर का साहित्य और संभाषण' (Writings and Speeches of Dr. Ambedkar, published by Ministry of Welfare, G.O.I., New Delhi, Oct. 1966 Edition) से यह रुचिकर बात पता चलती है कि पंजाब के आर्य हिंदू इस बात पर असहमत थे कि मेघ अछूतों में आते थे. हालाँकि मेघ ऐतिहासिक रूप से छुआछूत का शिकार रहे थे. डॉ. अंबेडकर से समर्थन प्राप्त हंसराज जी के प्रयासों से मेघों को अनुसूचित जातियों में रखा गया. यदि आर्य हिंदू सफल हो जाते तो आज़ादी के बाद मेघों को नौकरियों में आरक्षण का वो फायदा नहीं मिलता जिसकी वजह से वे कुछ तरक्की कर पाए हैं.


यहाँ इस बात का उल्लेख आवश्यक है कि हंसराज जी ने 1937 में स्टेट असेंबली चुनावों में यूनियनिस्ट पार्टी के उम्मीदवार के रूप में इलैक्शन लड़ा था और वे कांग्रेस के चौधरी सुंदर सिंह से चुनाव हारे. इसकी वजह यह रही कि चिढ़े हुए आर्यसमाजियों ने गाँव पोथाँ, ज़िला स्यालकोट के निवासी भगत गोपीचंद को उनके खिलाफ चुनाव में खड़ा कर दिया. नतीजतन मेघों के वोट बँट गए. आगे चल कर 1945 में भगत हंसराज को आदधर्मी समुदाय और यूनियनिस्ट पार्टी का समर्थन मिला और वे यूनियनिस्ट पार्टी की ओर से नामांकित हो कर विधान परिषद के सदस्य बने और अनुसूचित जातियों का प्रतिनिधित्व किया.


पंजाब के हिंदू, मुसलमानों, दलितों और सिखों के हितों का ध्यान रखने के लिए गठित दस सदस्यीय 'पंजाब स्टेट फ्रैंचाइज़ कमेटी' में एडवोकेट हंसराज और जनाब के. बी. दीन मोहम्मद को सदस्य नियुक्त किया गया. हिंदुओं में सर छोटूराम और पंडित नायक चंद भी इसमें सदस्य थे. समिति के नौ सदस्यों (हिंदू और एक सिख प्रतिनिधि) ने रिपोर्ट दी कि यह कहना मुमकिन नहीं था कि उस समय के अविभाजित पजाब में कोई ऐसे दलित समुदाय थे जिनके धर्म को लेकर उनके सिविल अधिकारों का उल्लंघन हुआ हो. लेकिन उन्होंने यह भी जोड़ा कि गाँवों में ऐसे वर्ग थे जिनकी आर्थिक और सामाजिक स्थिति निश्चित रूप से बहुत खराब थी. रिपोर्ट में यह भी कहा गया कि हालाँकि मुस्लिमों में कोई दलित नही हैं फिर भी हिंदुओं और सिखों में दलित थे और कि उस समय के अविभाजित पंजाब में उनकी कुल जनसंख्या 1,30,709 थी.


कुल मिला कर उस समिति ने बहुमत के साथ इंकार कर दिया था कि पंजाब में दलितों या अछूतों का कोई अस्तित्व था. लेकिन एडवोकेट हंसराज ने अपना एक अलग असहमति (dissenting) नोट दिया जिसमें कहा गया था कि समिति ने दलित समुदायों की जो सूची दी थी वो सूची अपूर्ण थी क्योंकि मेघों सहित कई समुदायों को उस सूची से बाहर रखा गया था. उनके उस असहमति नोट को महत्व दिया गया और पंजाब के दलित समुदायों को अनुसूचित जातियों में शामिल किया गया.


भारत विभाजन के बाद सेटेलमेंट मंत्रालय में एडवाइज़र सुश्री रामेश्वरी नेहरू, भगत हंसराज, श्री दौलत राम (मेघ), भगत गोपीचंद और भगत बुड्ढामल सभी ने समन्वित प्रयास किया और स्यालकोट से भारत में आए मेघों को अलवर (राजस्थान) आदि जगहों पर ज़मीनें दिला कर बसाया गया. भगत हंसराज राजनीतिक रूप से सक्रिय थे, श्री दौलत राम सेटेलमेंट ऑफिसर थे. इस टीम ने बहुत अच्छा कार्य किया और सफल रही. लाभ उठाने वाले भगतों में वे लोग भी शामिल थे जो कभी हंसराज भगत के विरोधी रहे थे.


आर्यसमाज और लाला गंगाराम का प्रयोजन और उद्देश्य चाहे कुछ भी क्यों न रहा हो, उन्होंने मेघों की शिक्षा के लिए जितना भी किया वह मेघों के लिए लाभकारी हुआ. आज़ादी के बाद मेघ समुदाय आर्यसमाज के एजेंडा में कहीं नहीं दिखा.


दूसरी ओर एडवोकेट भगत हंसराज और डॉ. अंबेडकर ने पंजाब के मेघों और अन्य दलित जातियों को अनुसूचित जातियों की अनुसूची में शामिल कराने के लिए जो संघर्ष और कार्य किया उसने उनकी आर्थिक हालत को सुधारा. वे लाखों की संख्या में निम्न मध्यम वर्ग में आ गए.


यह कहना उचित ही है कि एडवोकेट हंसराज भगत मेघों के अग्रणी हीरो हैं. जिनके संघर्ष की बदौलत मेघों को लाभ हुआ जिसे आने वाली पीढ़ियाँ भी महसूस करेंगी.


1947 में भारत में आने के बाद हंसराज भगत दिल्ली के करोल बाग में रहने लगे. वहाँ वे वकील के रूप में कार्य करते रहे. उनके जन्म आदि की सही तिथियाँ ज्ञात नहीं हो सकी हैं. स्टेट असेंबली की एक पुरानी फोटो के अलावा उनकी कोई अपनी या पारिवारिक फोटो नहीं मिली है. हंसराज जी का परिवार संभवतः विदेश में बस गया था.

(उक्त जानकारियाँ सर्वश्री आर.एल. गोत्रा, यशपाल जी, मोहिंदर पाल और डॉ. ध्यान सिंह के सौजन्य से प्राप्त हुई हैं. उनका आभार. एडवोकेट भगत हंसराज जी के बारे में बेसिक जानकारी उपलब्ध नहीं हो पाई है. यदि कोई सज्जन उसकी तथ्यात्मक जानकारी दे सकें तो इस ई-मेल bhagat.bb@gmail.com पर भेज सकते हैं.)
(Unionist Party से 1937 में बनी विधान सभा/परिषद के सदस्यों का ग्रुप फोटो)
(मेघों की सहूलियत के लिए बताना आवश्यक है कि ऊपर आखिरी पंक्ति में बाएँ से 11वें व्यक्ति भगत हंसराज, एडवोकेट हैं जो खिड़की के आगे खड़े हैं. उन्हें आदधर्म समाज की ओर से विधान परिषद के लिए नामित किया गया था. आगे चल कर उन्होंने डॉ. अंबेडकर के साथ मिल कर अविभाजित पंजाब की अनुसूचित जातियों की सूचियाँ बनाने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई थी. य़ह फोटो उपलब्ध कराने के लिए श्री सुरजीत सिंह भगत (लुधियाना) और श्री राजकुमार भगत (जालंधर) का आभार.)

Hans Raj Bhagat, Advocate (as narrated by Sh. R.L. Gottra):-


ADVOCATE HANS RAJ (हंसराज भगत, एडवोकेट), THE REAL (Written by Rattan Gottra, Jalandhar) Advocate Hans Raj, originally R/o Vill. Dalowali, Dist. Sialkot (Pakistan) is greatly remembered for fighting against the Aryan culture of economic and political exploitation, for being instrumental in getting reservation in politics and services for Meghs under various provisions by the Government of India, and for getting them allotted the agricultural land after the Partition of India. The circumstances under which he accomplished this task are mentioned here. LAND OWNERSHIP RIGHTS: It may be mentioned that Arya Samaj, Sialkot (Pakistan) had got registered a 'Charitable Trust' named 'Megh Uddhar Sabha', managed by Ganga Ram, in the first quarter of twentieth century to promote education among the 'Dalits', as a part of their strategy to keep them away from conversion to Sikhism and Islam. It was a time when all religious organizations namely Islam, Hinduism & Sikhism in Punjab were to some extent competing with each other in this connection from demographic view-point to safeguard their respective future political interests. To float an educated leadership for that purpose among the Hindu Meghs, they had borne the expenses of education in law for two persons namely Hans Raj, and Jagdish Mitter respectively, both of whom completed their LLB degrees in 1935. Jagdish Mitter unfortunately died shortly after his education. Hans Raj Advocate after joining his profession in law came into contact with various political personalities including Mangu Ram Mugowalia (Dist. Hoshiarpur), an Ambedkarite, who had already started Ad-Dharam movement in Punjab; and through whom he also came into touch with Dr. Ambedkar as well. Consequently, the philosophy Ambedkarism turned him into a much rationalist and a humanist than a traditionalist. Advocate Hans Raj deeply observed the country's political scenario, as well as the miserable economic plight of Meghs including those employed as share-cropper farm laborers under the said 'Megh Uddhar Sabha'. These farm-laborers had converted the barren land into a very fertile land that had been got on lease from the British Government for charitable purpose. The Meghs employed there were quite justified in expecting 50% of crop as their justifiable share or remuneration, particularly when land was for charitable purpose. However, they were paid only one-third of the crop as their share. While observing their miserable plight, Advocate Hans Raj felt very much pained due to this economic exploitation of Megh farm-laborers at Arya Nagar, Teh. Khanewal, Dist. Multan; but, their demands were rejected by the 'Trust'. Consequently, there was also learnt to be some bitter altercation between 'Trust' authorities and farm laborers. Consequently, due to this dishonest drama of 'Charity', Advocate Hans Raj revolted against the Arya Samaj, and won a court case against the said 'Trust', practically managed by Arya Samaj, who are rather pompously described by many as great social reformers for Meghs of Punjab. Sensing their defeat, just before the announcement of court's verdict, the 'Trust' authorities, to save their honor had verbally announced that the share-croppers were the owners of land allotted to them for cultivation! As a result of favorable verdict in this case, the share cropper Meghs became full fledged land-owners, because Advocate Hans Raj had wisely represented their case before the court. RESERVATION: Dr. Ambedkar had laid the foundation for empowerment of 'Dalits' by signing the 'Poona Pact'. Through his advice and suggestions in the Governing Council of India under British Government, it was possible to implement the 'reservation system' derived from the Poona Pact. For this purpose, Dr. Ambedkar was made member of the Indian Franchise Committee, which was empowered to form the State Franchise Committees for each state to decide about the quantum of separate political representation of 'Dalits' in the legislative bodies based upon the extent of SC/ST population in each state, as per the provisions contained in Government of India Act-1935. Advocate Hans Raj worked for preparing of schedules (lists) of socially and economically deprived castes, tribes and communities. As per the 'Writings & Speeches' of Dr. BR Ambedkar, a ten member Punjab State Franchise Committee consisting of Hindu, Muslim, 'Dalits', and Sikh representatives was appointed to investigate and identify communities or castes/tribes that were both socially and economically weaker for the purpose of giving them representation in political structure of India, as well as in the services. Advocate Hans Raj and K.B. Deen Mohammad (Megh, converted to Islam) were appointed as members to represent and look after the interests of 'Dalits' of Punjab in their studies on the subject. Among the Hindus, Chhotu Ram and Pt. Nanak Chand (both Arya Samajists) were also the members. After their study, nine members of the Committee (including Hindus and a Sikh) reported that in the then undivided Punjab, it was impossible to say that there were any 'Dalits' or SC/ST communities whose civil rights were violated because of their respective religions. However, they added that there were some classes in the villages whose economic and social situation was definitely miserable. They also reported that though there were no 'Dalits' among the Muslims, yet there were 'Dalits' among Hindus and Sikhs and their total population at that time was shown 1,30,709 only! The Meghs and some other communities were not mentioned in their report and the figures of population were astonishingly shown to be too low. Thus, the Committee of Punjab in its majority opinion had flatly denied the existence of any 'Dalit' or 'Untouchables' in Punjab. Actually, the term 'Dalit' was used was used by Dr. Ambedkar for the 'Untouchables' (Aachhoot), so as not to hurt anybody's feelings. However, Advocate Hans Raj in his separate (dissenting) independent report mentioned that the list of 'Dalit' communities was incomplete; because many communities (including Meghs) were left out during the study. More or less, similar reports were received from other states of India, because of the dishonesty demonstrated by the high caste members including the Arya Samajis. Those very Hindus who never disputed the existence of population of 'Untouchables' upto 1931-12 Census report started denying their existence! Because, they imagined that the quantum of Hindu seats might get reduced by relinquishing a share of it in favor of 'Dalits' in proportion to their population. KB Deen Mohd. was under the pressure of Islamist fundamentalists, who believed that all Islamists were equal in the eyes of 'Allah' and therefore, he was supposed not to report any 'Muslim' as 'Dalit' so as to demonstrate the superiority of Islam. In reality, the leadership of Muslim League (like the high-caste Hindus), also felt that if a section of Muslims were declared as 'Dalits', they would be demographically at a great disadvantage in any future course of political action in already Hindu-dominated India. Therefore, he reported that though there were some economically weaker people, yet there was no social discrimination among the Muslims. Ultimately, Dr. Ambedkar accepted the recommendations of Advocate Hans Raj, and Meghs along-with others like Ad-Dharmis, Ramdassia, Ravidassia, Julaha, etc. were included in the Scheduled Castes list. Simultaneously, the Arya Samajists had started propagating among 'Dalits' that in view of government's attempt to enlist the 'Untouchables' as Scheduled Castes, if any of the communities among them got registered in that list, it may result into permanent stigma for them to be called as such 'Untouchables'. This propaganda was particularly carried on through the Arya Samaj priests throughout Punjab. A good majority of these priests included the Megh Purohits who by then had been educated upto primary or elementary level in the Arya Schools run by Arya Samaj and had thus been brain-washed. Consequent to this propaganda, many of the Meghs and Kabir-Panthis even gave out to the 1941 and 1951 census operations authorities that they were Bhagats i.e. not Meghs. But later on, when they realized the benefits of reservation, they gradually reverted back to give out the true information that they belonged to Megh community. This is the very unique example of how the ignorant people through repitition of an un-truth over a hundred times or so can be be-fooled by 'Hindutva' zealots. ALLOTMENT OF LAND TO MEGH MIGRANTS: After the Partition (1947) of India, Advocate Hans Raj migrated to Delhi, and established contacts with Rameshwari Nehru (Raina) w/o Brij Lal Nehru, nephew of Motilal Nehru and cousin Jawaharlal Nehru. Rameshwari at that time had been doing commendable work for saving, tracing and resettling displaced persons who had migrated from Pakistan to India. In 1949 she was appointed Adviser to the Ministry of Rehabilitation, Government of India. Advocate Hans Raj explained to her the miserable plight of displaced migrant farm-labor Meghs from Pakistan and requested her to get issued orders for allotment of evacuees land to them. She agreed for allotment of agricultural land to migrant Meghs in Dist. Alwar, Rajasthan. Late Advocate Daulat Ram, MA, LLB, (a Megh with helpful attitude) R/o Jammu-Tawi was the Settlement Officer, Rehabilitation Deptt., GOI, Stationed at Jalandhar to look after the cases of re-settlement of migrant refugees in Punjab. Advocate Hans Raj remained in touch with him for the implementation of the Government's orders. From among the displaced migrants, two prominent persons Bhagat Gopi Chand, and Bhagat Buddha Mal (both educated up-to Under-Matriculation and Primary levels respectively) were made to remain in touch with Advocate Daulat Ram for paper-work formalities. This is how the allotment
of land in Alwar was got accomplished by Advocate Hans Raj, and Advocate Daulat Ram respectively, without whose initiative and sincere efforts, all of it could not have been possible. POLITICAL REPRESENTATION: Under the Government of India Act-1935, the British Government held popular elections and constitued the state assemblies in 1937. It gave the provincial assemblies full responsibility for government. Much before the announcement of elections, Advocate Hans Raj had got married with a lady belonging to Ad-Dharam community with the object to create an example of unity among the 'Dalits'. However, when before the marriage, he had sent invitations to prominent persons including Meghs and some Arya Samaji friends, most of them not only boycotted his marriage party, but also expelled him from the 'Biradari', apparently on the plea that 'Bhagats' (new name acquired by Meghs from Arya Samaj activist Ganga Ram) stood at a bit higher social level from the Ad-Dharmis and that gravity of his deviation from the established social norms was not pardonable. Behind this drama, there was said to be mischievous hand of Arya Samaj activists, as they intended to take revenge for his having contacts with Ambedkarites, as well as for filing a court case to secure the land-ownership rights from the 'Trust' managed by the Arya Samaj. Consequently, before the 1937 elections to Punjab State Assembly, while assessing his mass base, Advocate Hans Raj decided to join the Unionist Party of India (led by Sikander Hayat Khan) that included both the Hindus and the Muslims and stood against the Partition of India. He contested elections on this party's ticket, but was defeated by the Congress Party candidate Chowdhary Sunder Singh (an Ad-Dharmi), but was defeated by the latter mainly due to lack of support from his own community, because Arya Samaj had also fielded Bhagat Gopi Chand (another Megh) just to erode his mass base and thus to take revenge! Later on, after December 1945, with the support of Unionist Party of India and the Ad-Dharm Mandal, Advocate Hans Raj was nominated to the Legislative Council.
Rattan Gottra
10/09/2014 22:34
Rattan Gottra
कुछ संकेत यहाँ उपलब्ध हो सकते हैं.

02-11-2017

श्री आर एल गोत्रा जी ने ही सबसे पहले एडवोकेट हंसराज भगत जी के बारे में जो बताया था वो मैंने यहाँ दर्ज कर दिया था. जो छुटपुट बातें अन्य से प्राप्त हुई उसे भी साथ ही दर्ज कर दिया. पहला रिकार्ड लुधियाना के श्री सुरजीत सिंह भगत से मिला. उन्होंने तब की पंजाब विधानसभा के सदस्यों की एक फोटो उपलब्ध कराई थी. उन्होंने यह भी बताया कि उनको मिली जानकारी के अनुसार भगत हंसराज जी का बेटा इंडियन एयरलाइंस में था. आज (01-11-2017) को जोधपुर से ताराराम जी ने एक पुस्तक के कुछ पृष्ठों की फोटो प्रतियां भेजी हैं जिनमें तब की पंजाब विधान सभा का कुछ रिकार्ड उपलब्ध है. उससे पता चलता है कि एडवोकेट भगत हंसराज उस विधान सभा के मंत्रीमंडल में पार्लियामेंट्री प्राईवेट सेक्रेटरी रहे थे. नई जानकारी के संदर्भ में आज फिर गोत्रा जी से बात हुई. उन्होंने बताया कि भगत हंसराज भगत का उल्लेख अमेरिका के महान विद्वान मार्क योर्गन्समायर (Mark Juergensmeyer) की पुस्तक ‘रिलीजियस रिबेल्स ऑफ पंजाब’ में भी आया है. कुछ और विवरण ताराराम जी से प्रतीक्षित है.








गज़ट के नीचे बाईं ओर भगत जी के नोटरी के तौर पर नियुक्त होने की बात का उल्लेख है.
This is screenshot from the book 'Religious Rebels of Punjab' written by Mark Juergensmeyer

MEGHnet


Viru Mal

Sh. Viru Mal

Viru Mal
Sh. Viru Mal was born on 16 April, 1931 in the village Dhabliwala (Now in Pakistan). He was born to Sh. Maghar Ram and Smt. Hukami Devi. Born in a very poor family he had to struggle for education. He did his matriculation in the year 1951 from a missionary school. He joined a petty government job in the year 1951 and did his graduation in 1952. Then there was no looking back. He got a job in Punjab Civil Secretariat retired as Deputy Secretary in the year 1989. In between, during emergency (Chinese aggression) he served Indian Air Force from 1962 to 1967. He received three medals for war service.   He had to fight a legal battle for his due in the services and that showed him the way to mission of his life. At present, at the age of 80, he is working as President of North Zone SC ST Welfare Federation and doing the work vigorously. If I ask him what his life’s mission is, he would say, “Eating and sleeping”. But it is not. He still works for the government employees and helps them getting their due. It is something interesting that he is more popular with Ravidasia community. I am reproducing one of articles published in Megh Chetna magazine.    
Socio-economic Development of Weaker Sections
The Constitution of India aims at ‘equality of status and of opportunity’ and “Justice- social economic and political” for, all citizen including the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the other Socially and Educationally Backward classes (SCs, STs & OSEBCs). The preamble contains the goals to be achieved. The Directives lay down and the Fundamental Rights in Part III prescribe the means through which the goals are to be reached. These represent core of the Indian constitutional philosophy envisaging the methodology for removal of historic injustices and inequalities, social and economic disparities and ultimately for achieving the objectives in terms of the basic structure so spelt out by the 'Preamble', so that the down-trodden section of society in poverty, possessing no wealth or influence, having no education, much less higher education and suffering from oppression and suppression, should not be denied equal opportunity in the matter of public employment.
The Constitution has not failed us but we have failed the Constitution. Any exercise to tinker with the constitutional provisions so deliberately framed by the Wiseman, amount to an act of anti social resolution. we should ensure that the basic philosophy behind the Constitution and fundamental socio-economic soul of the Constitution remain sacrosanct, however, amendments stepping towards the essence of Gandhian dream in form of social justice and social democracy, also to meet the dire necessity and needs of the weaker sections or to remove loopholes and lacunae for the purpose of securing goals of Justice- social, economic and political should be considered reviews in view of above said observations.
Late Dr Radha Krishanan (President of India said in the Constituent Assembly : “India must have a socio-economic resolution designed not only to bring about the real satisfaction of the fundamental needs of the common man but to go much deeper and bring about a fundamental change in the structure of Indian society.” The Directive principles in Part II of the Constitution are designed to bring about the social and economic relation that remained to be fulfilled even after 63 years of Independence. Without faithfully implementing the Directive principles, it is not possible to achieve the goal named ‘Welfare State’ contemplated by the Constitution. A society like ours steeped in poverty and ignorance cannot realize the benefit of human rights without satisfying the minimum economic needs of every citizen of country. Any Government which fails to fulfill the pledge taken under the Constitution cannot be said to have been faithful to the Constitution. The Fundamental Rights, as blamed, are not the cause of our failure to implement the Directive Principles. It is not the Constitution that has failed us but we have failed to rise up to its expectations. The attack against Fundamental rights is merely an alibi and an attempt to find a scapegoat on the part of those who were unable or unwilling to implement the Directives. The union and the states take the plea that interpretations placed by the courts on some of the Articles in Part III of the Constitution have placed impediments in the way of the States in implementing the Directives. These are required to be removed.
Employment is important and by far the dominant remunerative occupation, and when it is with the Government, Semi-Government, Government Controlled private organizations it is coupled with power and prestige of varying degrees and nature, depending upon the establishment. The employment under the State may help achieve the triple goal of social, economic and political justice and is an attempt to achieve the socio-economic goal also as ordained in the Preamble. The mandate of the Preamble the Directive principles and the provisions and Part III (Fundament Rights) of the Constitution relating to reservation, special provisions, advancement and promotion of interest so of the SCs, STs & OSEBCs with special care in the services under the State is shoring of State power and the empowerment of the deprived section of society and to give them a share in the administrative apparatus. Equality not only  of opportunity is to be given to all but special opportunity for educational, economic and cultural growth must be given to these backward groups so as  to enabled them to catch-up those   who are ahead of  them.
The figures  show  that their  employment  position  in  the  services  throughout  the country  is drastically  low   from  the minimum  required  at least   equivalent  to  their  proportion  of  population which establish that the Governments have not implemented the policy of representation  in all services faithfully. This is the reason that there is huge backlog in their representation in all services. A rapid societal transformation and others progressive changes such as globalization, privatization, Information Technology (IT) Internet etc., have taken place, yet a major section of people (SCs and STs, OBCs) living below poverty line (BPL)  and suffering from social  ostracism still stand far behind and lack in every respect to keep pace with the advanced section of the people. In spite of a number of land mark judgments of and of Full Court of the Supreme Court in relation to social justice, the naked truth is that no ray of hope of attaining the equality and of opportunity and socio-economic parity in any other sphere is visible. Therefore socio-economic policies and program should aggressively be implemented, and impediments recently created by some judgments are required to be removed by suitable amendments of certain Articles of the Constitution.  Now Loophole- free orders/instructions/notifications are required to be re-issued for better and speedy implementation of reservation policy which is one aspect of socio-economic changes and development.
Meghs and Kabirpanthis have been declared of Scheduled Castes in the States of Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Union Territory Chandigarh, J&K and Rajasthan under the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 7950, issued by the President of India in exercise of the powers conferred by clause (i) of article 341 of the Constitution of India. They are the weaker sections of ‘the people of India’ so far as securing justice- ‘social, economic and political' to them is concerned. Our society should, therefore, arise, awake and stops not till the constitutional goals of ‘Equality and Justice’ are reached and brought at par with the advanced sections of the society.

Viru Mal
Dy. Secretary (Retd.)
Punjab Government
(Courtesy: ‘Megh Chetna’)
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R. L. Gottra

Rattan Lal Gottra                     
Sh. R.L. Gottra


Mr. Rattan Lal Gottra was born on 3rd April 1942 in village Bonkan, District Sialkot (now in Pakistan). His father was Sh. Banshi Ram (a businessman) and mother’s name was Smt. Indira Devi. He retired as Central Intelligence Officer and is a successful businessman. His article ‘Meghs of India’ has attracted many inquisitive and curious Meghs to know their history.

मेघनेट ब्लॉग पर एक पोस्ट 09-07-2017 को डाली है जिसका लिंक यहाँ है.  श्री आर.एल. गोत्रा जी का एक पॉडकास्ट इस लिंक पर उपलब्ध है.
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Daulat Ram Bhagat




'Daulat Ram Bhagat (Retired School Teacher)     Linked to MEGHnet


Daulat Ram Bhagat is a retired school teacher from Doda. He belongs to the Scheduled Caste Megh community. In this interview he talks with Yoginder Sikand about the Dalits of Doda and intercommunity relations in the district.


What impact did the Partition have on inter-community relations in Doda?

I was fourteen years old in 1947, when the Partition took place. There was almost no violence in Doda tehsil, nothing compared to what happened in some other parts of Jammu. When the massacres began in Jammu and Punjab, Dalits and Hindus, who were a minority in Doda town, were fearful. But the local Muslims told us that they would protect us and they insisted hat we should not leave. The situation was very tense, because many Muslims from Chamba, Udhampur, Chenaini and Bhaderwah had fled to Doda to escape the violence there. Out of fear, some Hindus from Doda town shifted to Hindu-majority villages on the other side of the Chenab.

One night, some Muslims who had recently fled to Doda came to our house. They came secretly. The local Muslims did not know about this. Some members of their families had been killed by Sikhs. They accused us of having hidden Sikhs in our house. My father denied this and told them that they could check. Then, as soon as he got the opportunity my father jumped out of the window and rushed to the house of his Muslim neighbour, Muhammad Salim Kicchhoo, and told him what was happening. Kicchhoo Sahib ran out of his house, shouting, 'Oh Muslims, have you died? These men are threatening to harm our Hindu and Dalit brethren. Don't let them do so'. Hearing this, a huge crowd of Muslims rushed to our locality to save us and the men who had entered our house fled. 

The situation was very tense, so our neighbours advised us to shift temporarily to Bhela, a Hindu-majority village across the river, till things improved. Most of the people of our locality went across, but my father continued to stay on for some days in the house of a Muslim neighbour. A few days later the Home Guards of the National Conference arrived and restored peace and we returned to our homes. When we came back we found that almost everything had remained intact, including our houses and animals, although some personal things like blankets had been taken away. Shortly after, the Indian Army came. I remember they killed eight or ten innocent Muslim civilians in a Muslim-majority village close by, including one man who was physically handicapped. He did not have any feet. He used to play the tabla in the Ram Lila celebrations. I feel very bad when I talk or think of this.

How do you view inter-communal relations in Doda now?

Contrary to what newspapers might claim, inter-communal relations in Doda are generally very harmonious. In Bhaderwah and Kishtwar, which are also in Doda district, Hindu-Muslim relations are not so good. One possible reason for this is that there both are roughly equal in number. But in Doda tehsil, Hindus and Dalits are in a small minority and our relations with our Muslim neighbours are good.

Unfortunately, this is not widely known and people outside think differently. My daughter married a man from Kathua, which is an area almost entirely populated by Hindus and Dalits. Her in-laws told me, 'How can we come with the marriage party to Doda?'. They thought Doda was infested with militants and that the local Muslims were all anti-Hindu and would not spare them. But, eventually, 70 of them came and they were so impressed with the hospitality of the local Muslims that they had to completely change their opinion. Many of them stayed in the houses of our Muslim neighbours, who insisted that they should do so. They treated them as honoured guests. Even the bridegroom stayed in a Muslim neighbour's home. This sort of love you will never see anywhere else. I have taught in various schools for more than forty years in different parts of Jammu and Kashmir, but I have never seen such close relations between Hindus and Muslims elsewhere.

True, some terrible incidents have happened in recent years, but I must say that these are largely instigated by outsiders, who are bringing new and alien ways of thinking. We do not fear the local Muslims at all. We trust them completely. But I cannot speak of Muslims from outside. The BJP propaganda about Muslims wanting to drive Hindus out of Doda is wrong. At least in Doda tehsil the local Muslims would never want us to go away. As far as I know, most militants generally do not touch people who have not informed on them or opposed them. There have been some massacres of Hindus in Doda in recent years, but local Muslims have condemned these and have said that Islam does not allow for the killing of innocent civilians. No true religion can.

Which are the major Dalit groups in Doda? What forms of social discrimination are they still subjected to?

May be a third of the Hindu population of Doda are Dalits, but they are hardly talked about. In fact, few outsiders know that there are Dalits living in Doda. Most Dalits here are poor. Many of them are small peasants and manual workers. A small number of Dalits are government employees. The Meghs are the largest Dalit community in Doda, followed by the Mahashays or Doms and Jogis. Although they are all treated as 'low' by the so-called Savarna Hindus, there is no unity among these Dalit castes, who practise forms of untouchability among themselves. So, for example, many Meghs do not eat food cooked by Doms. Traditionally, and till fairly recently, the dominant caste Hindus, including Rajputs, Brahmins and Banias, used to practise strict untouchability towards not 84 October-December 2006 KashmirAffairs just the Dalits, like us, but also with Muslims. A few orthodox Hindus continue to do so. Before 1947, many Muslims and most Dalits were poor agricultural labourers and tenants. Dalits had to remove their shoes if they passed an 'upper' caste person. They were forced to render begar or unpaid labour. My father was forced to carry pipes all the way from Batot to Kishtwar, which took him many days. Dogra Raj was a period of great oppression for the Dalits and also for many Muslims, most of whom were peasants. So, the Dalits are really grateful to Sheikh Abdullah who saved us from the Dogra oppression and 'upper' caste domination. He instituted land reforms, because of which we gained ownership over some of the lands we tilled as tenants. That is why most Dalits have always voted for the National Conference.

But now, as you were saying, caste discrimination has declined.

After 1947 efforts were made by Hindu leaders to stop the practice of untouchability. Perhaps there was a realisation that if Dalits continued to be suppressed they might become Muslim, in which case the Hindus would be reduced to an even smaller minority. Wherever the Muslim population is more you will find that the degree of untouchability and discrimination practised by the dominant caste Hindus vis-à-vis the Dalits is less. So, in Doda Muslims are a majority and untouchability is not that severe now. But I've had to face caste discrimination myself, despite having been a government school teacher. Once I was posted in a village which had only Hindus living in it and no Dalits. Because I was a Dalit no Hindu would let me stay in their home, so I had to live in the school building itself. In many villages in Doda Dalits are still treated or thought of as lesser beings. In towns things are changing now somewhat because our people are going in for education.

But in the plains of Jammu, where there are very few Muslims left, discrimination against Dalits by dominant caste Hindus is fairly common. In Doda we have this massive Muslim population, so it is not possible for dominant caste Hindus to treat us the way they might want, because they know that if they do we might join hands with the Muslims.

So, today, we can eat in Rajputs' homes and they come to our houses too. But even now some 'upper' caste people are opposed to our progress, and though they may not say this openly they still regard us as inferior. Some 'upper' caste people would call me 'Masterji', but behind my back would say, 'Oh, that wretched Chinal [a term of abuse for Meghs], he has the gumption to wear shirt-pant!' Even now many 'upper' caste people cannot tolerate the thought of a Dalit in a position of authority over them.

Today, there is much talk of Hindutva and Hindu unity. The RSS and BJP are talking about this. They want Dalits to also join their camp. But you know, in Hindu Raj we will be made to wash the feet of the Brahmins and other so-called 'upper' caste people again. We will be forced into slavery again. That we cannot allow. Here in Doda the BJP tried to woo some Dalits, but they were not very successful. They managed to get only very few Dalit supporters. I tried to convince some of these KashmirAffairs October-December 2006 85 brainwashed Dalits to abandon the BJP. I told them, and I keep telling my people, that the BJP has never raised the severe economic, educational and social problems of the Dalits. If they do, their 'upper' caste base will be angered.

Is there any sort of independent Dalit movement in Doda?

Not really, although the Bahujan Samaj Party has a slight presence here. There is hardly any Ambedkarite movement among the Dalits of Doda. A few educated Dalits have heard of Babasaheb Ambedkar. I came to hear of him very late in my life. One problem is that there is hardly any Dalit literature available in Doda. There are no Dalit organisations here. It seems that some educated Dalits do not want our own people to rise, fearing that they might compete with them. I think, as Babasaheb Ambedkar insisted, conversion to an egalitarian religion is essential for Dalit self-respect. Can Dalits gain self-respect while still being treated as Hindus for political purposes? Personally, I don't consider myself a Hindu. How can I be a Hindu if the Hindu scriptures tell me that I am 'low' and 'inferior' to a Brahmin just because of my birth? The Hindu books say that because I am a Dalit I don't have the right to read the Vedas. So, how can I call myself a Hindu?

But our people still cling to Hinduism because they have been conditioned like this for centuries. They have been made to believe that by holding on to the tail of the cow they can attain heaven! Our people have been made to believe that they are inferior and so they want to hide their identity. Several educated Dalits try to pass off as 'upper' caste Hindus. If they do that, of course they cannot work for their own people, because when 'upper' caste people see them doing that they will know that they are actually Dalits trying to pass off as something else. That is the bane of many of our educated people, who received education and other facilities precisely because of their caste. My own daughter was studying in a college in Jammu and staying in a hostel there. She clearly told me not to mention our caste name, Bhagat, on my letters to her, fearing that her colleagues would come to know that she is a Dalit. Such is the fear and the urge to deny one's identity. In this situation, mobilising as Dalits for our rights and identities is, as you can imagine, an uphill struggle.'


Courtesy: www.tehelka.com